After the 1994 democratic transition, the ANC abandoned the nationalisation rhetoric of the Freedom Charter in favour of the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) macroeconomic framework (1996) — fiscal consolidation, inflation targeting (formally adopted by SARB 2000), trade liberalisation under WTO commitments, exchange-control relaxation. The racial redress agenda was pursued through Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE, codified 2003) and sectoral charters, labour regulation under the Labour Relations Act 1995 and Employment Equity Act 1998, and expansion of social grants (child support grant from 1998; old-age and disability grants extended) reaching ~30% of population by the 2010s. State-owned enterprises — Eskom, Transnet, SAA, SABC — remained dominant in electricity, logistics, aviation and broadcasting. From c. 2009 the Zuma administration presided over deterioration in SOE governance ("state capture" findings by the Zondo Commission 2018-2022), electricity load-shedding from 2008 and especially 2019-2023, and rising debt. Growth disappointed the 6% GEAR target from the start and collapsed to near-zero averages in the 2010s. Macroeconomic orthodoxy coexisted throughout with heavy labour and product-market regulation — a genuinely mixed policy-content case.
Policy-content fingerprint — how the framework codes this movement on its axes
Size of cash and near-cash transfer programmes (unemployment benefits, means-tested assistance, universal child benefits). Architecturally distinct from forced-saving schemes — see condition welfare_architecture.
increased · strong
larger transfer footprint
Social-grant coverage expanded from ~2M recipients in 1994 to ~18M by 2020s.