Frente Amplio consolidation phase: centre-left social-democratic doctrine maintaining Vázquez-I / Mujica-era social-rights expansion while anchoring the macro frame with Astori-school fiscal orthodoxy and large-industry FDI attraction. Left-right axis: centre-left on distribution and rights, centrist on macro management — an explicit continuity of inflation-targeting, central-bank independence, and investor-friendly signalling. Key policy content: (i) 2015 tax adjustment (Ley 19.333) raising top personal-income brackets and IASS pension tax to close a deficit widening under soft commodity prices; (ii) UPM-2 pulp mill investment contract signed November 2017 — ~US$3bn Finnish greenfield cellulose plant plus ~US$1bn state rail (Ferrocarril Central) co-investment, largest single FDI in Uruguayan history; (iii) cannabis market operational rollout — pharmacy sales began July 2017 under Ley 19.172 framework inherited from Mujica; (iv) education-reform attempts (ANEP governance, teacher-evaluation) that stalled against union resistance; (v) sustained social-transfer programs (Asignaciones Familiares Plan de Equidad, Tarjeta Uruguay Social); (vi) fiscal-deficit drift from ~3.5% to ~4.7% of GDP by 2019 triggering investor-grade anxiety; (vii) renewable-electricity buildout completed (~97% non-fossil generation by 2017). Popularity: Vázquez elected 53.6% runoff November 2014; FA held 50/99 Diputados and 15/30 Senado; approval slid from ~60% early term to ~40s by 2019 on crime, fiscal, and education discontent — contributing to FA's 2019 runoff loss. Coherence line: "social continuity plus macro-orthodoxy plus UPM-anchor" — mature social-democracy banking on large-industry FDI.
Policy-content fingerprint — how the framework codes this movement on its axes