CFK's two terms deepened Kirchnerist heterodoxy into open confrontation with orthodox macro frameworks. (a) Economic school: neo-Peronist heterodox + resource-nationalist + anti-orthodoxy — YPF renationalisation Apr 2012 (51% expropriation of Repsol stake, Ley 26.741), private-pension nationalisation Nov 2008 (SIPA absorbed AFJPs $30bn), INDEC statistical intervention from Jan 2007 understating inflation (distorted CPI until IPCNu 2014 overhaul), dólar blue / cepo cambiario Oct 2011 FX controls, BCRA reserve draws to fund primary deficit (2010 onward), utility-tariff freeze + energy subsidies, paritarias wage-bargaining cycle pushing real- wage indexation. (b) Left-right: centre-left to left; statist-populist. (c) Dated policies: AFJP nationalisation Nov 2008, Resolución 125 export- tax conflict (defeated Senate Jul 2008), INDEC intervention 2007-2014, YPF expropriation Apr 2012, cepo Oct 2011, 2014 Griesa pari passu default (Jul 2014), peso devaluation Jan 2014 (24%), Ley Antiterrorista 2011, media law Ley 26.522 Oct 2009. (d) Popularity: won 2007 first round 45.3%; re-elected Oct 2011 54.1% (largest margin since return to democracy); approval collapsed to ~30% after Jan 2014 devaluation + Nisman case Jan 2015; FPV lost Nov 2015 runoff to Macri. (e) Coherence: ideologically tight Kirchnerist platform — YPF + AFJP + media + INDEC formed a coherent statist-populist programme with high political cost (2013 midterm FPV -10pp) and BOP crisis trajectory (reserves USD 52bn 2010 to USD 25bn Dec 2015).
Policy-content fingerprint — how the framework codes this movement on its axes
Size of cash and near-cash transfer programmes (unemployment benefits, means-tested assistance, universal child benefits). Architecturally distinct from forced-saving schemes — see condition welfare_architecture.