Four-year Liberal government defined by internal-security securitisation and front-loaded infrastructure investment. Four doctrinal pillars: (1) Security Statute (Estatuto de Seguridad, Decreto 1923 de 1978) — expanded military jurisdiction over civilians under state of siege, criminalised street protest, restricted press coverage of armed conflict; led to documented torture of M-19 guerrilla detainees and international-body criticism (Amnesty International 1980 report); February 1980 M-19 seizure of the Dominican embassy holding diplomats hostage for 61 days; (2) Plan de Integración Nacional (PIN 1979-1982) — USD ~3.5bn infrastructure programme (Cerrejón coal mega-project, Cerromatoso ferronickel, telecommunications, highway network) partly financed via external syndicated loans; external debt rose from USD 4.5bn (1978) to USD 10bn (1982); (3) continuation of crawling-peg FX + coffee-boom residual — coffee prices softened from 1977 peak; accumulated BONO-OEL debt-sterilisation bonds; (4) incipient drug-violence — the Medellín cartel consolidated late- Turbay under Pablo Escobar, MAS death-squad formation (1981), and peso-laundering "ventanilla siniestra" at BanRep absorbed cocaine export inflows. Stated school: Turbayismo centrist-security-Liberal tradition; developmentalist infrastructure push. Left-right axis: authoritarian-centre-right on security content; centre on economic content. Popularity / legitimacy: June 1978 election Turbay won narrowly — 49.5% vs Conservative Belisario Betancur 46.6% (the closest Colombian presidential margin since 1922). Coherence line: trade civil-liberty protections and incipient drug-enforcement for anti-insurgency hardening and industrial-infrastructure capacity expansion.
Policy-content fingerprint — how the framework codes this movement on its axes
Independence of the judiciary from executive and legislative encroachment. Specifically captures court-packing, selective prosecution, judicial reshuffles.