DPJ regime-change doctrine — first full non-LDP majority government since 1955. Hatoyama's programme rested on a redistributive-Keynesian platform ("people's livelihoods first") funded by wringing waste from the bureaucracy ("shiwake" public budget-screening process run by Renhō in November 2009) rather than tax hikes: new child allowance (¥13,000/month per child phased in April 2010), high-school tuition-free policy (April 2010), highway-toll-free experiments, and farmer income-compensation scheme (kobetsu shotoku hoshō, FY2010 start). Institutional doctrine shift was seiji-shudō — political leadership over bureaucracy — abolishing administrative vice-minister meetings and empowering politically-appointed national strategy bureau. Foreign-policy doctrine was "equidistance" between US and China and an East Asian Community vision; collapsed over Hatoyama's mishandling of the Futenma Marine Corps base relocation on Okinawa, where he repudiated the 2006 Guam-relocation agreement, floated off-island alternatives, then capitulated back to Henoko in May 2010, triggering SDP exit from coalition. Popularity fell from ~75% to ~20%; combined with Ozawa political-funds scandal, Hatoyama resigned 2 June 2010. Coherence line: ambitious fiscal-redistribution + bureaucratic-politicisation programme, blown up by foreign-policy amateurism.
Policy-content fingerprint — how the framework codes this movement on its axes
Size of cash and near-cash transfer programmes (unemployment benefits, means-tested assistance, universal child benefits). Architecturally distinct from forced-saving schemes — see condition welfare_architecture.
increased · strong
larger transfer footprint
Universal child allowance + tuition-free high school + farmer income support.
Universal transfers without revenue base criticised as fiscally unsustainable.
References
DPJ 2009 manifesto
Cabinet Office FY2010 budget documents
NHK approval series Sep 2009 - Jun 2010
Notes
Regime change was the institutional event; the doctrinal substance of the DPJ programme is captured here rather than in a broader DPJ-era umbrella because Kan and Noda subsequently pivoted the doctrine in distinct directions (consumption-tax orthodoxy, Fukushima crisis management).