Late-developmentalist LDP centre-right managerialism between the 1973 oil shock and the Nakasone turn. Economic school: convoy-capitalism MITI industrial guidance + fiscal consolidation instincts contested by recessionary pressures. Fukuda pushed 'locomotive theory' at 1977 Bonn G7 committing Japan to 7% growth, expanded deficit-bond issuance, and signed the 1978 Japan-China Treaty of Peace and Friendship. Ohira attempted a 5% general consumption tax 1979 — withdrew after LDP setback in Oct 1979 general election (248/511 seats, lost majority temporarily). Suzuki pursued 'administrative reform' via Doko Rincho second provisional commission 1981, preparing the JNR/NTT/JT privatisation pipeline inherited by Nakasone. Second oil shock 1979 absorbed via export surge — trade frictions with US intensified, leading to 1981 voluntary export restraints on autos. Left-right: centre-right catch-all, fiscally cautious but stimulus-prone under pressure; socially conservative. Popularity: Fukuda 1976 election LDP 41.8% / 249 seats (first post-Lockheed-scandal vote, minority but independents joined); Ohira 1979 LDP 44.6% / 248; Ohira-Masayoshi double election June 1980 LDP 47.9% / 284 seats (sympathy surge after Ohira death). Coherence: transitional phase — reactive stimulus under oil-shock and US pressure, laying groundwork for Nakasone administrative reform.
Policy-content fingerprint — how the framework codes this movement on its axes