PER·2018 – 2020·Peruanos por el Kambio (PPK) as vice-president, then governing as independent after formally leaving the party in September 2018. Minority executive (PPK shrunk to ~5 seats) operating against a Fuerza Popular (fujimorista) majority in the 2016-2019 Congress; post-dissolution 2020-2021 Congress was fragmented (nine parties, no dominant bloc).
Leaders: Martín Vizcarra (President 2018-2020) · César Villanueva / Salvador del Solar / Vicente Zeballos / Walter Martos (rotating Prime Ministers) · David Tuesta / Carlos Oliva / María Antonieta Alva (Economy Ministers)
Pragmatic liberal-centrist anti-corruption reformer facing sustained congressional obstruction. Vizcarra inherited the presidency in March 2018 after Pedro Pablo Kuczynski's resignation amid Odebrecht and vote-buying revelations, and governed without a party. Core doctrine: preserve the 1993- Constitution macro framework (BCRP independence, fiscal rules, trade openness, FTA network, Alianza del Pacífico commitments); push a targeted institutional-reform package against systemic corruption exposed by Lava Jato, including a four-question anti-corruption referendum (9 December 2018) that reformed the CNM into the Junta Nacional de Justicia, reintroduced bicameralism (rejected), banned immediate re-election of legislators, and regulated private campaign finance. Escalating executive-legislative conflict: two confidence votes invoking the "cuestión de confianza" mechanism of Art. 134; on 30 September 2019 Vizcarra dissolved Congress citing de-facto denial of confidence after fujimorista obstruction of Constitutional Tribunal appointments — a constitutionally contested but ultimately upheld move, producing snap elections in January 2020. Covid response (March 2020 onward) included one of the earliest and longest regional lockdowns plus the Reactiva Perú credit- guarantee programme (~8% of GDP) and cash transfers (Bono Universal). On 9 November 2020 the newly-elected Congress vacated Vizcarra via the "permanent moral incapacity" clause over construction-kickback allegations from his tenure as Moquegua regional governor — a highly contested use of the vacancy mechanism. IESET codes Vizcarra as neutral-to- positive on rule-of-law (anti-corruption referendum, JNJ reform) and neutral on market-content (macro continuity, no substantive liberalisation or re-regulation).
Policy-content fingerprint — how the framework codes this movement on its axes
Independence of the judiciary from executive and legislative encroachment. Specifically captures court-packing, selective prosecution, judicial reshuffles.
increased · moderate
stronger judicial independence
CNM-to-JNJ reform reduced partisan capture of judicial appointments; Constitutional Tribunal appointment process contested.
Size of cash and near-cash transfer programmes (unemployment benefits, means-tested assistance, universal child benefits). Architecturally distinct from forced-saving schemes — see condition welfare_architecture.
increased · moderate
larger transfer footprint
Bono Universal, Bono 600, Bono Yo Me Quedo en Casa — emergency Covid cash transfers; Reactiva Perú credit-guarantee fiscal footprint.
Tribunal Constitucional Expediente 0006-2019-CC (validity of dissolution)
Decreto Legislativo N° 1455 (Reactiva Perú) 2020
Decreto de Urgencia 027-2020 (Bono Universal)
IMF Article IV Peru 2019
Notes
Popularity peaked at ~79% approval in early 2019 post- referendum (IEP); eroded to ~39% at time of vacancy (IEP Nov 2020). The November 2020 vacancy under "permanent moral incapacity" triggered days of mass protest (two civilian deaths under the Merino interim presidency) and forced Merino's resignation after five days in favour of Francisco Sagasti as caretaker. Coherence: anti-corruption intent executed partially despite coalition absence; macro framework stable throughout.