Pro-business, growth-first continuation of Đổi Mới inside the single- party frame, anchored on WTO accession (ratified 11 Jan 2007) and a bet that Vietnam could build national-champion state-owned conglomerates ("economic groups") to act as the domestic rival counterpart to foreign FDI. The government nurtured groups such as Vinashin (shipbuilding) and Vinalines (shipping) with directed credit and implicit sovereign support, ran an expansionary macroeconomic policy that drove a credit and property boom, and responded to the 2008-09 global financial crisis with a large fiscal-monetary stimulus and bank-recapitalisation push. The model unwound over 2010-2012 in a sequence of SOE distress episodes — Vinashin's ~US$4.4bn default disclosed 2010, Vinalines fraud case 2012 — macro-instability (inflation peaking above 23% in 2008 and again near 20% in 2011), and mounting non-performing-loan problems that pushed the State Bank into the VAMC asset-management vehicle (2013). Doctrine is best read as statist-right (pro-growth, pro-capital-accumulation, pro-FDI, but state-directed) rather than reformist, with Đổi-Mới market mechanics subordinated to conglomerate-building. By the XII Congress (January 2016) the Party apparatus under Trọng moved decisively against this line, declining Dũng's bid for General Secretary and setting up the Blazing Furnace discipline drive as a corrective.
Policy-content fingerprint — how the framework codes this movement on its axes
WTO accession Jan 2007 bound tariff cuts and service-sector access commitments; average MFN tariff fell and FDI inflows roughly doubled to ~US$11bn (2008).
National-champion SOE strategy with directed credit is textbook late-developmentalist, but without the export-discipline conditionality that made Park-era Korea work.
Vuving (2013), 'Vietnam in 2012: A Rent-Seeking State on the Verge of a Crisis', Asian Survey
Pincus (2015), 'Why Doesn't Vietnam Grow Faster? State Fragmentation and the Limits of Vent for Surplus Growth', Journal of Southeast Asian Economies
IMF Article IV Vietnam 2009, 2012
World Bank, Taking Stock (Vietnam) reports 2008-2015
Notes
Single-party system — no vote-share metric. Popularity signal is Party Congress dynamics: Dũng retained the premiership at the XI Congress (2011) but was decisively outmanoeuvred at the XII Congress (Jan 2016) when the Politburo declined his bid for General Secretary and pushed him into retirement. NA ratification votes during the era typically ran above 95% yes for government bills, which makes them low-signal.