Pre-registration
Chile rejected two proposed constitutions during the Boric administration: the 2022 left-leaning convencion text (rejected 62% in September 2022) and the 2023 right-leaning consejo text (rejected 55% in December 2023). The pre-registered claim is that the net effect of voter rejection of both constitutional alternatives is preservation of the 1980 framework AND continuity of macro-stability indicators (CPI inflation in target band by 2025-2026, fiscal-rule compliance, central-bank-independence intact, peso-USD trajectory not deviating from synthetic counterfactual). The hypothesis isolates the institutional-stability channel: a successful rejection of constitutional change preserved pre-existing market-economy framework and the macro outcomes track that institutional continuity rather than the Boric-administration left-shift signal.
Falsification criterion — what would disprove this
This hypothesis is considered falsified if:
Supported if CHL shows non-negative CATT versus the synthetic counterfactual on at least 3 of 5 outcomes (CPI inflation, real GDP, fiscal balance, REER, EMBI spread) over 2022Q3-2026Q4 with permutation p > 0.20 (i.e., not significantly worse than peers). Refuted if CHL shows negative CATT on at least 3 of 5 at p_perm < 0.10 (i.e., constitutional uncertainty + Boric administration produced macro-deterioration relative to peers). Mixed otherwise. Note the direction-asymmetric thresholds: the hypothesis is one of macro-stability preservation, so "no worse than peers" is the support condition.
formal test & threshold
test: synth_did_constitutional_continuity_5_outcome_count threshold: non_negative_CATT_count >= 3 of 5 outcomes at p_perm > 0.20
Method
- Template
synth_did- Clustering
country- Sample
- 5 countries · 2014 – 2026
- Evidence type
- causal
Primary: synth_did with CHL as treated unit and COL+BRA+PER+MEX as donor pool, matched on pre-2022 macroeconomic profile. Pre-period 2014Q1-2022Q2 defines synthetic; post-period 2022Q3-2026Q4 measures treatment effect. The "treatment" is the rejection of constitutional change, measured against the counterfactual of a successful constitutional transition. Secondary: event-study around the September 2022 and December 2023 plebiscite dates.
Data
| Variable | Source | Transform |
|---|---|---|
cpi_inflation outcome | imf:PCPIPCHtier 2 world_bank_wdi:FP.CPI.TOTL.ZGtier 2 | yoy_pct |
real_gdp_quarterly outcome | world_bank_wdi:NY.GDP.MKTP.KDtier 2 | log_level_quarterly |
fiscal_balance_pct_gdp outcome | imf:GGXCNL_NGDPtier 2 | annual_pct_gdp |
real_effective_exchange_rate outcome | bis:WS_EERtier 2 | index_level_monthly |
sovereign_credit_spread outcome | jp_morgan_embi:CHLtier 2 | basis_points |
chile_constitutional_rejection_indicator treatment | constructed:binary = 1 for CHL from 2022-09-04 onward (post-first-rejection)tier 5 | binary |
post_second_rejection_indicator treatment | constructed:binary = 1 for CHL from 2023-12-17 onwardtier 5 | binary |
commodity_terms_of_trade control | world_bank_wdi:TT.PRI.MRCH.XD.WDtier 2 | log_change |
us_policy_rate control | fred:FEDFUNDStier 1 | level |
wgi_rule_of_law control | wgi:GOV_WGI_RL.ESTtier 4 | level |
vdem_electoral_democracy control | vdem:v2x_polyarchytier 4 | level |
● ready · ● pending · ● reconstruct-needed
Detailed result card
Result card — boric_chile_2022_2026_constitutional_rejection_market_continuity
Verdict: PARTIAL — mean_gap=+1.156, |gap|/pre_sd=1.1, p_perm=0.6; claim direction ambiguous
Pre-registration
- Claim: Chile rejected two proposed constitutions during the Boric administration: the 2022 left-leaning convencion text (rejected 62% in September 2022) and the 2023 right-leaning consejo text (rejected 55% in December 2023). The pre-registered claim is that the net effect of voter rejection of both constitutional alternatives is preservation of the 1980 framework AND continuity of macro-stability indicators (CPI inflation in target band by 2025-2026, fiscal-rule compliance, central-bank-independence intact, peso-USD trajectory not deviating from synthetic counterfactual). The hypothesis isolates the institutional-stability channel: a successful rejection of constitutional change preserved pre-existing market-economy framework and the macro outcomes track that institutional continuity rather than the Boric-administration left-shift signal.
- Falsification rule: Supported if CHL shows non-negative CATT versus the synthetic counterfactual on at least 3 of 5 outcomes (CPI inflation, real GDP, fiscal balance, REER, EMBI spread) over 2022Q3-2026Q4 with permutation p > 0.20 (i.e., not significantly worse than peers). Refuted if CHL shows negative CATT on at least 3 of 5 at p_perm < 0.10 (i.e., constitutional uncertainty + Boric administration produced macro-deterioration relative to peers). Mixed otherwise. Note the direction-asymmetric thresholds: the hypothesis is one of macro-stability preservation, so "no worse than peers" is the support condition.
Synthetic-control estimate
- shape: synth_did
- treated_country: CHL
- event_year: 2022
- n_donors: 4
- donor_weights (top): {'BRA': 0.4158, 'PER': 0.3851, 'MEX': 0.199, 'COL': 0.0}
- pre_rmse: 1.1676389052129272
- pre_period_sd: 1.0615857411035088
- mean_post_gap: 1.155784600748743
- end_period_gap: -0.5024045859915462
- post_period_years: [2022, 2026]
- placebo_p_value: 0.6
- n_placebos: 4
- method: synthetic-control via NNLS, permutation inference
Variables resolved
imf:PCPIPCH; world_bank_wdi:FP.CPI.TOTL.ZG→ cpi_inflation (outcome, n=10789)imf:NGDP_R; world_bank_wdi:NY.GDP.MKTP.KD→ real_gdp_quarterly (outcome, n=10914)imf:GGXCNL_NGDP→ fiscal_balance_pct_gdp (outcome, n=8848)bis:WS_EER→ real_effective_exchange_rate (outcome, n=2922)wgi:GOV_WGI_RL.EST→ wgi_rule_of_law (controls, n=5322)
Generated by scripts/run_synth_did.py at 2026-04-30T10:15:30+00:00
Strongest opposing argument
Every hypothesis ships with its charitable opposing argument. The framework earns credibility by handling objections at their strongest, not weakest.
Notes
Chile's 2022-2023 double-rejection is unusual: a left-administration-led constitutional process rejected by voters in both directions, leaving the 1980 (Pinochet-era) framework in place. The hypothesis tests whether macro stability tracks the institutional outcome (continuity) rather than the political signal (left-administration). Comparison to Petro (Colombia, where left-administration policies are partially implemented) and Lula 3 (Brazil, where left-administration is implementing industrial policy and tax reform) is the implicit contrast: Chile's voter-blocked left-shift may produce more stable outcomes than the Colombian or Brazilian comparators.