Xi Jinping era — common prosperity, SOE reassertion, security primacy
CHN·2012 – present·CCP under Xi Jinping (General Secretary 2012-present, President 2013-present)
Leaders: Xi Jinping (General Secretary, CCP, 2012-present) · Li Keqiang (Premier 2013-2023) · Li Qiang (Premier 2023-present) · Liu He (Vice-Premier 2018-2023, lead economic policy coordinator) · He Lifeng (Vice-Premier 2023-present) · Yi Gang (PBoC Governor 2018-2023), Pan Gongsheng (PBoC Governor 2023-present) · Wang Qishan (CCDI Secretary 2012-2017, Vice-President 2018-2023)
Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era — codified in the CCP constitution (2017) and state constitution (2018). Economic school: statist-right-populist within a one-party system — supply-side structural reform, SOE reassertion as "stronger, better, bigger", national-security primacy across economic policy, Made in China 2025 (2015) indigenous-innovation industrial policy, and "common prosperity" (共同富裕, 2021) as redistributive frame. Left-right axis: combines statist-right content (SOE reassertion, security-first technology policy, strongman-nationalist populism, demographic and social conservatism) with statist-populist redistributive framing ("common prosperity", platform-monopoly crackdown, education-tutoring ban) — not classifiable on a Western left-right axis; within the CCP spectrum this is the statist-nationalist pole distinct from the Jiang-Zhu and Hu-Wen reformist currents. Core policy content: (i) anti-corruption campaign (2012+, ~4.7M CCDI investigations through 2022) consolidating control and disciplining Party-state; (ii) Belt and Road Initiative announced September-October 2013; (iii) Made in China 2025 (May 2015) sectoral-subsidy industrial policy across ten strategic sectors; (iv) one-child policy replaced with two-child (January 2016), then three-child (May 2021), alongside marriage/fertility promotion; (v) supply-side structural reform (2015-2018) addressing coal/steel overcapacity and zombie SOEs; (vi) 2017 19th Party Congress removal of presidential term limits (enacted March 2018); (vii) US-China trade war and Phase One deal (Jan 2020); (viii) property-sector "three red lines" (August 2020) deleveraging framework, precipitating Evergrande default 2021 and the 2022-2024 property market contraction; (ix) "double reduction" (双减, July 2021) education-tutoring ban; (x) platform / fintech crackdown (Ant IPO suspended Nov 2020, DiDi app removal Jul 2021, Alibaba antitrust fine Apr 2021); (xi) common prosperity programme (August 2021) — third distribution, tax enforcement, regional rebalancing; (xii) zero-COVID (2020-2022, abandoned December 2022); (xiii) housing market collapse response (2023-2024) — mortgage-rate cuts, "white list" project financing, PBoC RMB500bn relending for unsold-housing purchases (May 2024); (xiv) "new quality productive forces" (新质生产力, 2023-2024) EV / battery / solar industrial-policy frame. Popularity / legitimacy: NPC confirmation votes unanimous (Xi presidential re-election 2018 received 2,970 / 2,970; 2023 third term 2,952 / 2,952); 2018 constitutional removal of term limits passed 2,958 to 2; plenum outcomes delivered without visible split (Third Plenum 2024 signalled continuity); protest / unrest incidence — late- 2022 "A4 / white paper" protests ended zero-COVID; localised bank-run protests 2022 (Henan village banks) and mortgage-strike movement 2022; "mass incidents" no longer officially reported; stated-survey approval of central government (Harvard Ash Center longitudinal) declined from ~93% pre-2019 toward high-80s by 2023 but remained high. Coherence line: trade political-economy efficiency of Jiang-Zhu reform era for party-centred security, demographic-national-industrial autonomy, and resilience against external shock — an explicit reweighting from growth-maximisation to regime-durability objectives.
Policy-content fingerprint — how the framework codes this movement on its axes
Made in China 2025 sectoral gating + 'three red lines' property-developer credit regime + fintech and education licensing tightening; 2025 private-economy law partially offsets at the margin.
Independence of the judiciary from executive and legislative encroachment. Specifically captures court-packing, selective prosecution, judicial reshuffles.
decreased · strong
weaker judicial independence
2015 Supreme People's Court 'seven don'ts'; Party leadership of judiciary explicit 2017+.
Size of cash and near-cash transfer programmes (unemployment benefits, means-tested assistance, universal child benefits). Architecturally distinct from forced-saving schemes — see condition welfare_architecture.
increased · moderate
larger transfer footprint
Common prosperity — third distribution, regional rebalancing, poverty-alleviation campaign declared victory 2021.
Decision on Major Issues Concerning Comprehensively Deepening Reforms, Third Plenum of 18th CC, November 2013
Made in China 2025 plan, State Council, 8 May 2015
19th Party Congress Report, October 2017 — Xi Jinping Thought codified
Constitutional Amendment removing presidential term limits, 11 March 2018
State Council + PBoC + CBIRC, 'three red lines' property-developer framework, August 2020
Central Committee for Financial and Economic Affairs meeting, 17 August 2021 — 'common prosperity'
'Double reduction' opinion on after-school tutoring, CCP GO + State Council GO, 24 July 2021
Third Plenum of 20th CC, July 2024
Private Economy Promotion Law, adopted by NPCSC 30 April 2025, effective 20 May 2025
Harvard Ash Center Longitudinal Survey of Chinese Public Opinion (Cunningham-Saich-Turiel 2020)
Lardy (2019), The State Strikes Back
Pettis (2024) on property-sector adjustment and household-consumption rebalancing
Notes
Ongoing movement; end field left as "ongoing" per schema allowance. Populism classification is deliberate — Xi's programme combines top-down strongman-nationalist mobilisation, platform-and-elite anti-concentration rhetoric, and cultural/demographic conservatism that are functionally populist even though elections are not the legitimation channel.