IESET.
Policies·france_minimum_wage_rise_1981

France SMIC minimum wage rise (1981)

FRA·1981 1981·enacted 1981-06-01·PS-PCF left coalitioncandidate
moveslabour market flexibilitytransfer expansion

What the policy did

10% increase in the SMIC (Salaire minimum interprofessionnel de croissance) on 1 June 1981, immediately after Mitterrand election. Part of Common Programme's immediate redistributive signal. Combined with family-allowance uplift and housing-aid increases. Wage-push contributed to inflation pressures culminating in 1981-83 franc crises.

Policy-content fingerprint — what this policy moved, on which axes

Per invariant 3, reforms are scored by what they did on each channel-separated axis, not by the party that enacted them. This fingerprint is how the policy-match engine finds historical analogues.

intended
labour market flexibility
regulatory.labour_market_flexibility
Ease of hiring/firing, collective-bargaining scope, minimum wage rigidity, temporary/permanent contract regulation.
decreased · moderate
less flexible (stronger employment protection)
Minimum wage step-up raised wage floor.
transfer expansion
fiscal.transfer_expansion
Size of cash and near-cash transfer programmes (unemployment benefits, means-tested assistance, universal child benefits). Architecturally distinct from forced-saving schemes — see condition welfare_architecture.
increased · moderate
larger transfer footprint
Direct income-floor redistribution.

Enacted by

Empirical evidence — linked hypotheses

Explicit links are curated by the author. Inferred links are hypotheses in the library that test the same axes this policy moved — the framework's answer to "what does the data say about a policy like this?".

Countries with stricter employment protection legislation — measured by the OECD EPL indicator (or comparable alternatives where OECD EPL is missing) — experience longer average unemployment duration, holding other controls constant.
labour_market_flexibility_unemployment_durationinferred
viaregulatory.labour_market_flexibilityfiscal.transfer_expansion
INCONCLUSIVE_DATA_PENDING — interaction term requested but no loadable constructed interaction variable is defined. The generic panel_fe runner would otherwise …
run pending
In a broad-country panel 1990-2019, greater labour-market flexibility — measured by lower OECD EPL overall strictness, higher ease-of-hiring scores, and absence of centralized wage bargaining — predicts higher employment-to- population ratios and faster real GDP per capita growth, controlling for institutional quality, education, and trade openness.
labour_market_flexibility_employment_growth_panelinferred
viaregulatory.labour_market_flexibility
PARTIAL — coef=-1.251, p=0.162 (above α=0.1); direction inconclusive
partial
Labour-market flexibility (ease of hiring and firing, low EPL, decentralised wage bargaining) improves long-run employment rates, productivity growth, and GDP per capita only when paired with complementary adjustment institutions: active labour-market policy (retraining, job search assistance), relocation support, or income-smoothing mechanisms (unemployment insurance, portable benefits).
labour_flexibility_security_complementinferred
viaregulatory.labour_market_flexibilityfiscal.transfer_expansion
PARTIAL — coef=+1.306e-16, p=0.339; effect magnitude effectively zero
partial
The labour-supply dis-employment elasticity of negative-income-tax (NIT) and earned-income-tax-credit (EITC) -style cash-transfer programmes is materially smaller than the canonical mid-1970s NIT- experiment headline estimates suggested.
friedman_negative_income_tax_labour_supply_smaller_than_predictedinferred
viafiscal.transfer_expansionregulatory.labour_market_flexibility
PARTIAL — ATT=+20.8, p=nan, N=53, treated_countries=1 (above α=0.10)
partial
Germany's Agenda 2010 labour-market reforms worked within the Ordoliberal framework precisely because they preserved collective-bargaining institutions and vocational-training architecture; the same reforms imposed on UK-style labour markets produced larger inequality increases.
labour_market_reform_institutional_complementarityinferred
viaregulatory.labour_market_flexibility
PARTIAL — coef=-7.366e+04, p=0.927 (above α=0.1); direction inconclusive
partial
Strong employment-protection legislation (EPL) with high union wage-setting coverage and limited at-will dismissal produces a three-order causal chain in Southern European labour markets.
strong_union_labour_law_youth_unemployment_south_europeinferred
viaregulatory.labour_market_flexibility
PARTIAL — coef=+2.943, p=0.252 (above α=0.05); direction inconclusive
partial
Brazil's substantial 2003-2010 poverty reduction (extreme poverty headcount fell from ~10% to ~4% and Gini coefficient from ~0.58 to ~0.53 per PNAD/IPEA series) is decomposed across three channels: (a) Bolsa Família cash-transfer expansion (Lei 10,836 of January 2004 consolidating prior CCTs, reaching ~13 million families by 2010), (b) real minimum-wage valorisation (real minimum wage rose over 50% 2003-2010, pulling up the bottom of the formal wage distribution and indexed social transfers including BPC), and (c) the 2003-2008 commodity boom (export revenue surge, formal-employment growth, wage-bargaining leverage from tight labour markets).
lula_bolsa_familia_poverty_reduction_decomposition_2003_2010inferred
viafiscal.transfer_expansionregulatory.labour_market_flexibility
INCONCLUSIVE_DATA_PENDING — treatment 'bolsa_familia_coverage_intensity' has no within-country variation under country fixed effects
run pending
Large-scale universal or near-universal transfer programmes produce a three-order causal chain.
universal_transfer_programmes_labour_force_participation_declineinferred
viafiscal.transfer_expansion
partial — Prime-age LFP fell by ≥1.0pp in 2/5 cases (threshold for SUPPORTED: ≥3). First-order improved in 3/4 cases. Mixed: consistent with the spec's design-d…
partial

Similar historical policies

Ranked by axis-fingerprint overlap with this policy. Direction match bolded — those are the closest historical analogues. Shape of the match is what drives policy-outcome comparison, not the country or party label.