General government spending as share of GDP, excluding transfers already captured under fiscal.transfer_expansion to avoid double-counting.
Targeted industrial and sectoral subsidies (renewable energy, chip manufacturing, agriculture, green hydrogen, etc).
Flagship public-infrastructure programme announced April 2017 under the Duterte administration, targeting public infrastructure spending of 5-7% of GDP (against historic ~2-3%). Initial pipeline of 75 flagship projects (later expanded to ~119 and then to the Infrastructure Flagship Projects list of 224 worth ~₱9 trillion) spanning rail (Metro Manila Subway, PNR North-South Commuter Rail, Mindanao Railway phase 1), urban mass transit (MRT-7, LRT-1 Cavite extension), inter-island connectivity (Cebu-Cordova Link Expressway, Panguil Bay Bridge), regional airports (Bicol, Clark expansion, Bulacan New Manila Intl Airport), flood control, and irrigation. Financing mix shifted from pure PPP (Aquino-era) to a hybrid model drawing heavily on Japanese ODA (JICA), Chinese Exim-bank ODA, World Bank, ADB, and General Appropriations Act funded lines. Actual disbursement 2017-22 was below the announced target but infra spending share of GDP did rise to ~5%, an historic high.
Per invariant 3, reforms are scored by what they did on each channel-separated axis, not by the party that enacted them. This fingerprint is how the policy-match engine finds historical analogues.
Explicit links are curated by the author. Inferred links are hypotheses in the library that test the same axes this policy moved — the framework's answer to "what does the data say about a policy like this?".
Ranked by axis-fingerprint overlap with this policy. Direction match bolded — those are the closest historical analogues. Shape of the match is what drives policy-outcome comparison, not the country or party label.